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  Reply # 2184237 20-Feb-2019 11:11
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Is Trump playing with fire or are the the American politicians and legal entities the ones that are playing with fire by not getting rid of him? 

 

Trump won't change so there is only one solution. He has to be impeached, or otherwise removed, for the sake of America and the rest of the world.

 

And he forgot to add "except for Fox News" to his tweet!


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  Reply # 2184256 20-Feb-2019 11:51
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Currently reading Madeleine Albright's Fascism: a warning. Prescient. Explains a lot and confirms my view that Trump is evil and if he could he would install a fascisrt dictatorship without a second thought.

 

Americans are riding such a big wave, they have no idea.





 
 
 
 


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  Reply # 2184261 20-Feb-2019 11:56
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I'd say encourage him to eat more KFC. Maybe a chicken bone will do the job.

Or perhaps more of these "America’s Unhealthiest Fast Food Burgers"

https://www.thedailymeal.com/eat/america-s-unhealthiest-fast-food-burgers-slideshow


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  Reply # 2184285 20-Feb-2019 12:34
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freitasm:

 

Currently reading Madeleine Albright's Fascism: a warning. Prescient. Explains a lot and confirms my view that Trump is evil and if he could he would install a fascisrt dictatorship without a second thought.

 

Americans are riding such a big wave, they have no idea.

 

 

I keep seeing frightening parallels with pre-war Germany. As then, Americans today are sleepwalking into a fascist-style takeover. Most of those who shout at Trump rallies have no idea what they are shouting for. A few do, and they are evil. The Democrats are being much too timid about this. They keep trying to play by the rules while Trump stomps on them. I think there is a real emergency, and action needs to be taken before it is too late. I am not willing to quote or link to anything by Hitler here, but the similarities are frightening. Practically everything Trump says could have come straight out of his mouth, and a lot has, especially his attacks on the media. Trump must be impeached or otherwise deposed. An actual coup would be dangerous and undesirable, but surely a case can be made for gross incompetence. I believe this genuinely is an emergency requiring immediate action before it is too late. His cabinet can be worked on behind the scenes. Most of these people are venal but they will act in their self-interest if they can be convinced that Trump has no future. Pence will jump at the presidency if he thinks he has a real chance. Senate Republicans must be made to see how serious this is. Politicians of every stripe all stood up together against Nixon at the end. The same has to happen with Trump. It has to happen now.

 

 





I reject your reality and substitute my own. - Adam Savage
 


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  Reply # 2184291 20-Feb-2019 12:52
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kingdragonfly:

I'd say encourage him to eat more KFC. Maybe a chicken bone will do the job.  ...

 

As Trump was elected by Evangelical "Christians" (debatable), I think that it would be more appropriate if Trump was struck down in a public place by an Act of God.

 

 

 





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  Reply # 2184425 20-Feb-2019 16:00
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freitasm:

He knows he failed already on North Korea, so now he says "no rush whatsoever on North Korean denuclearization".


Loser.



He better expect "no rush whatsoever" on his Nobel Peace prize.

I think Trump is a shoe-in for an ig Nobel peace prize.

Previous year's winner was "Francisco Alonso, Cristina Esteban, Andrea Serge, Maria-Luisa Ballestar, Jaime Sanmartín, Constanza Calatayud, and Beatriz Alamar, for measuring the frequency, motivation, and effects of shouting and cursing while driving an automobile."

https://www.improbable.com/ig/winners/#ig2018


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  Reply # 2184428 20-Feb-2019 16:09
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I how a meeting of Joseph McCarthy and Trump would go


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  Reply # 2184453 20-Feb-2019 17:08
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I reject your reality and substitute my own. - Adam Savage
 


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  Reply # 2184456 20-Feb-2019 17:11
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Rikkitic:

 

McCabe: 'I think it's possible' Trump is a Russian asset

 

 

Well, he's certainly not a US asset  ...   😕





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  Reply # 2184458 20-Feb-2019 17:12
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I think some already said this but reality is that Trump is more of a symptom of the current environment in the USA than the problem itself.

 

People voted for him and not a small number. Not the majority but their rules are like this.





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  Reply # 2184460 20-Feb-2019 17:18
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freitasm:

 

I think some already said this but reality is that Trump is more of a symptom of the current environment in the USA than the problem itself.

 

People voted for him and not a small number. Not the majority but their rules are like this.

 

 

Even if Trump is "a symptom, not the disease", this does not excuse him - he is totally incompetent, totally self-obsessed, and totally corrupt.   🤒





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  Reply # 2184588 21-Feb-2019 08:01
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It doesn't excuse him, but it makes a more serious point: even if Trump goes away, the circumstances that lead to him being elected have not. Who comes after Trump? Someone just as toxic and evil but actually competent enough to get things done?





iPad Pro 11" + iPhone XS + 2degrees 4tw!

 

These comments are my own and do not represent the opinions of 2degrees.


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  Reply # 2184593 21-Feb-2019 08:10
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SaltyNZ:

 

... Who comes after Trump?

 

Someone just as toxic and evil but actually competent enough to get things done?

 

 

Like Pence?   🤒





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  Reply # 2184641 21-Feb-2019 08:59
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https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/19/us/politics/trump-investigations.html

New York Times

President Trump’s efforts have exposed him to accusations of obstruction of justice as Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel, finishes his work.

By Mark Mazzetti, Maggie Haberman, Nicholas Fandos and Michael S. Schmidt

Feb. 19, 2019

WASHINGTON — As federal prosecutors in Manhattan gathered evidence late last year about President Trump’s role in silencing women with hush payments during the 2016 campaign, Mr. Trump called Matthew G. Whitaker, his newly installed attorney general, with a question. He asked whether Geoffrey S. Berman, the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York and a Trump ally, could be put in charge of the widening investigation, according to several American officials with direct knowledge of the call.

Mr. Whitaker, who had privately told associates that part of his role at the Justice Department was to “jump on a grenade” for the president, knew he could not put Mr. Berman in charge because Mr. Berman had already recused himself from the investigation. The president soon soured on Mr. Whitaker, as he often does with his aides, and complained about his inability to pull levers at the Justice Department that could make the president’s many legal problems go away.

Trying to install a perceived loyalist atop a widening inquiry is a familiar tactic for Mr. Trump, who has been struggling to beat back the investigations that have consumed his presidency. His efforts have exposed him to accusations of obstruction of justice as Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel, finishes his work investigating Russian interference in the 2016 election.

Mr. Trump’s public war on the inquiry has gone on long enough that it is no longer shocking. Mr. Trump rages almost daily to his 58 million Twitter followers that Mr. Mueller is on a “witch hunt” and has adopted the language of Mafia bosses by calling those who cooperate with the special counsel “rats.” His lawyer talks openly about a strategy to smear and discredit the special counsel investigation. The president’s allies in Congress and the conservative news media warn of an insidious plot inside the Justice Department and the F.B.I. to subvert a democratically elected president.

An examination by The New York Times reveals the extent of an even more sustained, more secretive assault by Mr. Trump on the machinery of federal law enforcement. Interviews with dozens of current and former government officials and others close to Mr. Trump, as well as a review of confidential White House documents, reveal numerous unreported episodes in a two-year drama.

White House lawyers wrote a confidential memo expressing concern about the president’s staff peddling misleading information in public about the firing of Michael T. Flynn, the Trump administration’s first national security adviser. Mr. Trump had private conversations with Republican lawmakers about a campaign to attack the Mueller investigation. And there was the episode when he asked his attorney general about putting Mr. Berman in charge of the Manhattan investigation.

Mr. Whitaker, who this month told a congressional committee that Mr. Trump had never pressured him over the various investigations, is now under scrutiny by House Democrats for possible perjury.

On Tuesday, after The Times article published, Mr. Trump denied that he had asked Mr. Whitaker if Mr. Berman could be put in charge of the investigation. “No, I don’t know who gave you that, that’s more fake news,” Mr. Trump said. “There’s a lot of fake news out there. No, I didn’t.”

A Justice Department spokeswoman said Tuesday that the White House had not asked Mr. Whitaker to interfere in the investigations. “Under oath to the House Judiciary Committee, then-Acting Attorney General Whitaker stated that ‘at no time has the White House asked for nor have I provided any promises or commitments concerning the special counsel’s investigation or any other investigation,’” said the spokeswoman, Kerri Kupec. “Mr. Whitaker stands by his testimony.”

The story of Mr. Trump’s attempts to defang the investigations has been voluminously covered in the news media, to such a degree that many Americans have lost track of how unusual his behavior is. But fusing the strands reveals an extraordinary story of a president who has attacked the law enforcement apparatus of his own government like no other president in history, and who has turned the effort into an obsession. Mr. Trump has done it with the same tactics he once used in his business empire: demanding fierce loyalty from employees, applying pressure tactics to keep people in line and protecting the brand — himself — at all costs.

It is a public relations strategy as much as a legal strategy — a campaign to create a narrative of a president hounded by his “deep state” foes. The new Democratic majority in the House, and the prospect of a wave of investigations on Capitol Hill this year, will test whether the strategy shores up Mr. Trump’s political support or puts his presidency in greater peril. The president has spent much of his time venting publicly about there being “no collusion” with Russia before the 2016 election, which has diverted attention from a growing body of evidence that he has tried to impede the various investigations.

Julie O’Sullivan, a criminal law professor at Georgetown University, said she believed there was ample public evidence that Mr. Trump had the “corrupt intent” to try to derail the Mueller investigation, the legal standard for an obstruction of justice case.

But this is far from a routine criminal investigation, she said, and Mr. Mueller will have to make judgments about the effect on the country of making a criminal case against the president. Democrats in the House have said they will wait for Mr. Mueller to finish his work before making a decision about whether the president’s behavior warrants impeachment.

In addition to the Mueller investigation, there are at least two other federal inquiries that touch the president and his advisers — the Manhattan investigation focused on the hush money payments made by Mr. Trump’s lawyer, Michael D. Cohen, and an inquiry examining the flow of foreign money to the Trump inaugural committee.

The president’s defenders counter that most of Mr. Trump’s actions under scrutiny fall under his authority as the head of the executive branch. They argue that the Constitution gives the president sweeping powers to hire and fire, to start and stop law enforcement proceedings, and to grant presidential pardons to friends and allies. A sitting American president cannot be indicted, according to current Justice Department policy.

Mr. Trump’s lawyers add this novel response: The president has been public about his disdain for the Mueller investigation and other federal inquiries, so he is hardly engaged in a conspiracy. He fired one F.B.I. director and considered firing his replacement. He humiliated his first attorney general for being unable to “control” the Russia investigation and installed a replacement, Mr. Whitaker, who has told people he believed his job was to protect the president. But that, they say, is Donald Trump being Donald Trump.

In other words, the president’s brazen public behavior might be his best defense.

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